Auditory System

The world contains all kinds of energy that translates into information about what we see, hear, smell, touch and taste. A sensory system is a part of the nervous system responsible for processing specific sensory information. The components of a sensory system include sensory receptors, neural pathways, and parts of the brain involved in sensory perception. To begin, energy from the environment stimulates the receptor cells in whichever sense organ is being used. If this information were auditory, the ear would convert sound waves in the air into electrical impulses that would further be interpreted by the brain as sound.A sound wave first enters the pinna, the fleshy part of the ear on the outside of the body. It then travels through the external auditory canal where it then meets the eardrum, a thin membrane in the outer ear. The eardrum then vibrates in response to the sound wave. What we hear will depend on the wavelength and frequency of the wave. The eardrum is connected to a group of three small bones call â€Å"the ossicles† in the middle ear. This group includes the malleus, incus and the stapes. These three bones, the smallest in the human body, protect the eardrum from more intense sounds and also deliver the vibrations to the base of the stapes.The stapes then sends the vibrations into the inner ear and interacts with the round window. The round window, a small membrane that allows liquid inside the inner ear to be displaced and receive the vibration. The vibration travels through the spiral structure of the inner ear called the cochlea and ends at the round window. Inside the cochlea there are three canals: the scala vestibuli, the scala media and the scala tympani. The scala vestibule leads up to the apex of the cochlea, the scala tympani leads down to the round window and the scala media sits in between the other two canals.All of these canals are filled with fluid and are separated by two different membranes; Reissner’s membrane a nd the Basilar membrane. Both of these membranes are flexible and respond to the vibrations traveling through the scala vestibuli. The movements of the membranes then send the vibrations down the scala tympani. A structure called the Organ of Corti, which is situated on the basilar membrane, becomes stimulated as the membrane vibrates and sends nerve impulses to the brain. Within the Organ of Corti are a group of specialized cells called hair cells, which are covered by the tectorial membrane.As the basilar membrane vibrates, the hair cells are bents and push up against the tectorial membrane. This causes the hair cells to fire and send nerve impulses to the auditory cortex on each of the brains hemispheres through the cochlear nerve. How we determine pitch can be explained with two different theories. The Place Theory states that the entire basilar membrane does not vibrate at once so different parts of the basilar membrane respond to different frequencies of sound. Lower frequency sounds vibrate the basilar membrane near the apex of the cochlea while higher frequency sounds produce vibrations closer to the base.The Frequency Theory states that the frequency of firing matches the frequency of the sound wave. Hearing loss can occur for a number of reasons. Damage to the eardrum due to age and prolonged exposure to loud noise may cause the hairs or nerve cells in the cochlea to wear out and become less effective. A buildup of earwax can block the ear canal and prevent of sound waves from entering the eardrum. Otosclerosis, a genetic form of hearing loss in which the stapes is fixed in place so sound cannot enter the inner ear.

Macroeconomics – institutions by Acemoglu

In Progress. Abstract: In this paper, we discuss how and why institutions— broadly, the economic and political organization of societies— affect economic incentives and outcomes. After briefly surveying a number of theories of institutional differences across countries, we focus on two questions: why societies may choose institutions that are not good for economic development, and why institutions, even bad Institutions, persist.In light of the Ideas we develop, we discuss three case studies of Institutions alluding and persistence: the united States, India and Guatemala. L. Introduction Institutions, defined broadly as the political and economic organization of societies, differ markedly across countries and over time. For example, until recently, a large number of societies were organized along socialist lines, with widespread collective ownership of the means of production and centrally planned resource allocation, while much of the rest of the world was capitalist, with predominantly private ownership and resources allocated Vela markets.For much of the 1 8th and 9th centuries, a number of societies, Including the Caribbean, much of Central and Latin America, and parts of Asia, were organized with political and economic power concentrated in the hands of a small elite, and relied on productive relationships based on slavery and forced labor. In contrast, economic and political power was more equally distributed in parts of Europe, North America and Australia, and the majority of laborers were free.Similarly, as emphasized by North and Thomas (1973), North and Whiniest (1989) and Till (1 990), there were Important differences In the organization of the European societies during the 17th century. While England and the Netherlands had developed limited governments, France and Spain had absolutist regimes.Economic theory and basic common sense suggest that differences in the organization of society should have an effect on economic outcomes: when institutions ensure that a potential investor has property rights over the proceeds from his Investments, he Is more likely to invest than when he expects the fruits of his efforts to be taken by other parties In the economy or by the government. An obvious hypothesis is then to link variations in economic performance across countries to their institutions. We refer to this point of view as the institutions hypothesis.According to one version of this hypothesis, what is crucial is whether the organization of the society ensures that a broad cross-section of the society have effective property rights, so that those with productive emphasis on â€Å"a broad cross-section of the society' is meant to capture the notion that it is not sufficient for the rights of a small elite, landowners, dictators or Politburo members, to be enforced. Citizens need to have effective property rights, and be involved in politics, at least some degree, to ensure the continuation of these repertory rights in the future.Do we see marked differences in the economic performance of societies with different institutions? The examples mentioned in the first paragraph suggest so: while West Germany prospered with a capitalist system, East Germany did much less well under socialism. While Western Europe, North America and Australia grew rapidly, the elite-dominated societies of the Caribbean, Central America and India stagnated throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. As emphasized by North and Thomas (1973), while England and the Netherlands prospered during the 17th century, Spain and France failed to do so.Also telling are cases where large changes in institutions are correlated with radically changed growth paths. Examples of this are Argentina in the sass's with the rise of populism and Person, South Korea during the early sass's with the transition from the Rhea to the Park regime, and Indonesia in 1965 with the transition between Saguaro and Short. In addition to these selective examp les, much empirical evidence suggests that institutional differences are a major source of the differences in economic performance across countries.For example, cross-country work by a number of economists and political scientists found a first-order effect of institutions on growth or the level of income (e. G. , Knack and Keeper, 1995, or Hall and Jones, 1999). More recently, in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) we found that as much as % of the income gap between the top and bottom of the world income distribution may be due to differences in their institutions. 4 But these findings pose as many questions as they answer: 1 . If some institutions generate more income and growth, why do a large number of societies adopt institutions that are bad for economic development? . Why do institutions that are detrimental to economic performance persist rather than being overhauled at the first opportunity? Despite the importance of these questions for understanding differences in econ omic performance across countries, there is relatively little research on this topic. In this paper, we develop a number of conjectures related to these questions. Then, in light of these ideas, we discuss three case studies of institution building and persistence: the U. S. , India and Guatemala.In the process, we also provide a brief survey of a number of theories of comparative institutions. II. Institutions As emphasized in the introduction, our focus is on the set of institutions— the organization of society— that determine economic incentives. Why such institutions and social arrangements will affect economic outcomes is clear: economic actors will only undertake investments when they expect to be rewarded for their spending and effort. In a society where property rights are not well enforced, investment and output will be low.We therefore take the degree of enforcement of property rights to be a central feature of the institutions and the broad organization of a society. To of private property, which we take to correspond to a set of institutions ensuring that a broad cross-section of society have effective property rights. 2. Extractive institutions, which place political power in the hands of a small elite. With extractive institutions, the majority of the population does not have effective property rights, since the political power of the elite means that they can hold up the citizens after they undertake their investments.We expect institutions of private property to encourage investment and development, while extractive institutions are less likely to dead to high investment and successful economic outcomes. Notice that there is more to institutions than the legal code or the formal definition of property rights at a point in time; in particular, political institutions matter. This is for the simple reason that in a society where there are few constraints on political elites, these agents can change the legal code or manipulate the ex isting property rights to their advantage. Therefore, effective constraints on political elites are an essential ingredient of institutions of private property. In reality, there are many intermediate cases teens the extremes of institutions of private property and extractive institutions, and a complex interaction between the exact form of the political and economic institutions and whether they provide effective property rights protection to citizens. There is also a deep and difficult question of how the state commits to providing property rights to the citizens (see Whiniest, 1997, for a discussion of this problem).To limit the discussion, we do not focus on these issues. So what determines whether a society ends up with institutions of private property or extractive institutions? Let us distinguish four broad theories, which we call: 1. The efficient institutions view. 2. The incidental institutions view. 3. The rent-seeking view. 4. The inappropriate institutions view. We now discuss what we mean by these different views, and examine some selective examples of institutional theories falling within each category. . The Efficient Institutions View According to this view, societies will choose the institutions that maximize their total surplus. How this surplus will be distributed among different groups or agents does not affect the choice of institutions. The underlying reasoning of this view comes from the Cease Theorem. Ronald Cease (1960) argued that when different economic parties could negotiate costless, they will be able to bargain to internalize potential externalities.The farmer, who suffers from the pollution created by the nearby factory, can pay the factory owner to reduce pollution. The same reasoning can be applied to political situations. If the current laws or institutions benefit a certain group while creating a disproportionate cost for another, these two groups can negotiate to change the institutions. By doing so they will increase the size of the total surplus (â€Å"the pie† that they have to divide between themselves), and they can hen bargain over the distribution of this additional surplus.Many different versions of the efficient institutions view have been proposed. Demesne (1967) argued that private property emerged from common property when land become sufficiently scarce and valuable that it was efficient to privative it. Other famous examples are Case's (1936) earlier work and the more formal analysis by Grossman and Hart (1986), is more concerned with the governance of firms or markets than the political organization of societies, but his reasoning was guided by the same principle.North ND Thomas applied this reasoning to the nature of feudal institutions arguing that they were an efficient contract between serfs and Lords. While Williamson and North and Thomas do not specify how different parties will reach agreement to achieve efficient institutions, Becker (1960) and Whitman (1989) have invest igated how democracies can reach such agreements via competition among pressure groups and political parties.In their view, an inefficient institution cannot be stable because a political entrepreneur has an incentive to propose a better institution and with the extra surplus generated will be able to make him more attractive to voters. We believe that, despite correctly emphasizing certain forces that are likely to be at work, the efficient institutions view does not provide the right framework for an analysis of the differences in institutions across countries. Both historical and econometric evidence suggests that the economic costs to societies of extractive institutions have been substantial.For example, our estimates in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) suggest that changing Insignia's or Sierra Lens's institutions to those of Chile loud lead, in the long run, to a more than 7-fold increase in these countries' income. It is difficult to argue that these institutions are t herefore efficient for Nigeria, Sierra Leone or many other less-developed countries in Africa or Latin America. In the rest of the paper, we therefore focus on theories of institutions where societies may end up with institutions that are not optimal for aggregate growth or income. 2.The Incidental Institutions View The efficient institutions view is explicitly based on economic reasoning: the costs and benefits of different institutions are weighed against each other to determine which institutions should prevail. Efficiency arises because individuals calculate according to the social costs and benefits. Institutions are therefore choices. A different approach, popular among many political scientists and sociologists, is to downplay choices over institutions, but think of institutions as the byproduct of other social interactions. Here, we discuss three such theories.The first is the theory developed by Barrington Moore (1966) in his Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, th e second is Till's (1990) and Herb's (2001) theory of state formation, hill the third is Burner's (1976) theory of the emergence of capitalism in England. Barrington Moore constructed his famous theory in an attempt to explain the different paths of political development in Britain, Germany and Russia. In particular, he investigated why Britain had evolved into a democracy, while Germany succumbed to fascism and Russia had a communist revolution.Moore stressed the extent of centralization of agriculture and resulting labor relations in the countryside, the strength of the ‘bourgeoisie,' and the nature of class coalitions. In his theory, democracy emerged when there was a strong, politically assertive, immemorial middle class, and when agriculture had commercialese so that there were no feudal labor relations in the countryside. Fascism arose when the middle classes were weak and entered into a political coalition with landowners.Finally, a agriculture was not commercialese and rural labor was repressed through feudal relationships. In Moor's theory, therefore, class coalitions and the way agriculture is organized determine which political institutions will emerge. Although Moore is not explicitly concerned with economic development, it is a direct implication of his analysis that societies may end up with institutions that do not maximize income or growth, for example, when they take the communist revolution path.While this theory is highly suggestive and clearly captures some of the potentially significant comparative facts there are clear problems with it. For instance, though Moor's remark â€Å"no bourgeoisie, no democracy' is famous, it is not clear from his analysis whether this is Just an empirical correlation or a causal theory. More generally, Moore does not clarify the connection between the formation of class coalitions and political outcomes. It is also not clear whether this theory is empirically successful.There are many examples of societ ies with relatively strong capitalist classes in Latin America, such as Argentina and Chile, which did not make the transition to a consolidated democracy until recently. In fact, in these societies capitalist classes appear to have supported the coups against democracy, suggesting that the role of the poor segments of the society (the working class) in inducing demagnification could be more important than that of the bourgeoisie (see Archduchesses, Stephens and Stephens, 1992, Guacamole and Robinson, Bibb).In a very different vein, Till (1990), building on the Hibernia tradition, proposed a theory of the formation of modern states. He argued extensively that modern state institutions such as fiscal systems, bureaucracy and parliaments are closely related to the need to raise resources to fight wars and thus arose in places with incessant inter-state competition. Herbs (2001) has recently provided a substantive extension of this line of research by applying it to the evolution of st ate institutions in Africa.He argues that the poor functioning of many modern African states is due to the fact that they caked the features–high population density and inter-state warfare— necessary for the emergence of the modern state. Although interesting and sweeping, this theory does not seem to accord well with a number of major facts. In Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2001 a), we documented that among the former colonies, it was the less densely settled places that became richer.In fact, North America, Australia and New Zealand were very sparsely settled in 1 500, especially when compared to West Africa around the same time. Despite this, they developed effective states and institutions of private property. This suggests that the issues stressed by Till and Herbs are not the major determinants of institutions, at least, in the context of the development of institutions among the former European colonies, including Africa. Burner's (1976) theory of the rise of capitalism in Europe can also be thought as an example of the incidental institutions view.Although Brenner subscribes to the Marxist view of feudalism as an extractive institution (see next subsection), he interprets the rise of capitalism as the byproduct of the collapse of existing social institutions after the Black Death. Brenner argues that the decline of feudalism resulted from the successful class struggle by the relatively powerful British peasantry. Brenner, however, believes that the peasantry's aim was not to build capitalism; capitalism just emerged like an incidental phoenix from the ashes of feudalism.Because, economic growth required this set of (extractive) institutions to be replaced by capitalist institutions. Therefore, Burner's work also gives us an incidental- institutions theory for why some societies grow faster. None of these theories provide a framework that is at the same time consistent tit the first-order facts of comparative development and useful for generating predictions. Therefore, it is difficult to apply these theories to understand why some countries develop extractive institutions.Moreover, being trained as economists, we find it to be a shortcoming of this group of theories that institutions and political outcomes arise as byproducts, not as the direct consequences of actions taken by rational agents. The fact that the key outcomes are byproducts of other interactions, not choices, leads to the additional problem that these theories often do not generate tight empirical predictions (I. E. Comparative static). But an analysis of comparative development, above all else, requires comparative static results regarding when institutions of private property will emerge.In the remainder of the paper, we therefore focus on the rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views to build a simple framework for comparative development. 3. The Rent-seeking View According to this view, institutions are not always chosen by the whole so ciety (and not for the benefit of the whole society), but by the groups that control political power at the time (perhaps as a result of conflict with other groups demanding more rights). These groups will choose the institutions that maximize their own rents, and the institutions that result may not coincide with those that maximize total surplus.For example, institutions that enforce property rights by restricting state predation will not be in the interest of a ruler who wants to appropriate assets in the future. By establishing property rights, this ruler would be reducing his own future rents, so may well prefer extractive institutions to institutions of private property. Therefore, equilibrium institutions will not be those that maximize the size of the overall pie, but the slice of the pie taken by the powerful groups. Why doesn't a Cease theorem type reasoning apply?Although a large literature, especially in industrial organization, has emphasized how informational problems may limit the empirical applications of the Cease theorem, we believe that the main reason for the non-applicability of the Cease theorem in politics is commitment problems (see Guacamole, 2001, for a more detailed discussion of this issue). If a ruler has political power concentrated in his hands, he cannot commit not to expropriate assets or revenues in the future. Effective property rights require that he credibly relinquishes political power to some extent.But according to the Occasion bargain, he has to be compensated for what he could have received using this power. Herein lies the problem. When he relinquishes his power, then he has no guarantees that he will receive the promised payments in the future. Therefore, by their very nature, institutions that regulate political and social power create commitment problems, and prevent Occasion bargains that are necessary to reach efficient outcomes. As an application, consider the decision of a powerful rich elite to mount a coup in a populist redistributive regime, such as that of Salvador Allendale in Chile in 1973.By undertaking a coup, the rich will ensure that economically. Why wouldn't the elite enter into a Occasion bargain with Allendale who would wish to place future restrictions on taxes so as to remove the threat of the coup? The problem, as pointed out and analyzed in Guacamole and Robinson (2001 a), is that the democracy cannot promise not to increase taxes again once the threat of the coup disappears. By its very nature, taxes are set by the politically powerful agents, determined by the institutions at that time.Promises made at the past may be worthless when they are not backed by political power. The first systematic development of this point of view is the economics literature is North (1981), who argued in the chapter on â€Å"A Neoclassical Theory of the State† that agents who controlled the state should be modeled as self-interested. He then argued that the set of property rights wh ich they would choose for society would be those that maximized their payoff and because of transactions costs' these would not necessarily be the set which maximized social welfare.Though his analysis does not clarify what he meant by transactions costs, problems of commitment might be one mispronunciation for this. The notion that elites may opt for extractive institutions to increase their incomes is of course also present in much of the Marxist and dependency theory literature. For example, Dobb (1948), Brenner (1976) and Hilton (1981) saw feudalism, contrary to North and Thomas (1976)g's model, as a set of institutions designed to extract rents from the peasants at the expense of social welfare.Dependency theorists such as Wholesalers (1974-1982), Rodney (1972), Frank (1978) and Cards and Falsetto (1979) argued that the international trading system was designed to extract rents from developing countries to the benefit of developed Mounties. Perhaps, the earliest, and often igno red, contribution to this line of reasoning is in the book by Beard (1913). Anticipating many of the insights of rational choice political science literature, Beard argued that the U. S.Constitution was an institution designed to benefit those who wrote it (such as James Madison) at the expense of the rest of society. Another important example of inefficient institutions designed to extract rents from the society is the Spanish colonial system (Stein and Stein, 1970, Coauthors, 1978, Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983). Finally, the notion that leaver is an inefficient institution designed to extract rents from slaves is also widespread (for example, Williams, 1944, Geneses, 1963, Beckoned, 1972).More recent, and for our purposes more relevant, contributions in this tradition have sought to explain comparative development. For example, in the context of Africa, Bates (1981) formulated an influential and important theory based on rent-seeking by elites. Bates argued that when elites were no t invested in the productive sectors of the economy, mostly agriculture in the context of Africa, and had to rely on urban interests to remain in power, they were likely to distort prices, for example by using marketing boards to transfer resources from the rural areas to the cities.The implications of this for political stability and economic growth were disastrous. Anger and Soulful (1997, 2000) have used related ideas to analyze long-term development in the Americas. They argued that the different paths of development observed in North and Latin America in the last 300 years were due to institutional differences. In North America institutions promoted development, in Latin America they did not. Why did Latin America develop a set of institutions that impeded Caribbean, the factor endowments were suitable for growing crops such as sugarcane.Such crops had large technical scale economies and could be cultivated by slaves, factors that led to large concentrations of landownership an d repressive institutions designed to control labor. Therefore, despite their costs for economic development, extractive institutions were adopted by elites who benefited from the system. On the other hand, in North America, factor endowments were suitable for growing crops with limited scale economies such as wheat, and this led to an egalitarian distribution of land, income and political power.Their theory therefore emphasizes the impact of factor endowments and technology on inequality and institutions building, and ultimately economic development. In Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000, 2001 a), we developed a complementary theory, emphasizing how European colonialists set up institutions of private property in areas where they settled in large numbers, since these institutions were directly affecting their own investments and well-being. This led us to emphasize how European settlements ere often conducive to the development of institutions of private property in the colonies .In contrast, European colonists introduced or took over existing extractive institutions in other colonies. They were more likely to do so when they did not settle, for example due to an adverse disease environment, and when extractive institutions were more profitable, for example, as in Central America where the densely settled large population could be forced to work for low wages in plantations or mines. These extractive institutions did not benefit the society as a whole, but they were inefficacy for the Europeans, who held the political power and were the extractors.We believe that the rent-seeking view provides the best framework for thinking about why certain countries ended up with extractive institutions, and provides a number of useful comparative static, which will be discussed in Section Ill. 4. The Inappropriate Institutions View According to this view, institutions may be efficient when they are introduced, but they are also costly to change (see below on this). Ther efore, institutions that are efficient for a set of circumstances may no longer be efficient once the environment hinges. Nevertheless, it may be difficult or too costly to change these institutions at this point.The idea here goes back to Crosschecking (1963). In the context of financial institutions, Crosschecking argued that certain arrangements, such as bank finance, might be more appropriate for backward countries trying to catch up. This is widely thought to be a good explanation for why banks are more prevalent in Germany, even today when Germany is no longer a backward country. So perhaps, social arrangements that were introduced at some point as an optimal response to the resistances may continue to prevail, even after they cease to be the optimal response.In the context of financial institutions, this point is developed in Guacamole, Action and Kilobit (2001). Another economic example is the QWERTY typewriter keyboard. David (1986) argued that this was appropriate at the t ime because it slowed down the speed of typing, when the rudimentary nature of typewriters meant that rapid typing would make them Jam. However, despite the fact that the QWERTY arrangement was inefficient once the basic technology improved soon after, it has similar thesis.Perhaps, extractive institutions were appropriate for certain resistances, but they continue to apply even after they cease to be the efficient institutional arrangement. Related ideas have been suggested in the literature. For example, Wittingly (1957) argued that centralized despotism, which may not have been very costly in terms of economic outcomes in China before the 1 5th century and arose as the result of providing desirable public goods such as irrigation, persisted almost to the present, creating a substantial economic and social burden.Given how long institutions persist (see Section ‘V) the view that institutions of a different age ay continue to apply even when they become costly to economic suc cess is highly plausible. Nevertheless, in the context of comparative development, it appears more useful to combine the inappropriate institutions view with the rent-seeking view, explicitly allowing for political elites to introduce inefficient institutions. In fact, in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2001 a), we suggested a hypothesis combining the rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views, and provided evidence in favor of this hypothesis.We argued and empirically demonstrated that extractive institutions, tit power concentrated in the hand of a small elite, were much less costly during the age of agriculture than during the age of industry. When agriculture is the main source of income, and the political elite owns the land, this elite will have, to a first approximation, adequate incentives to increase the productivity of the land. In contrast, in the age of industry, many different agents, not previously part of the ruling elite, need to undertake investments and be involved in productive activities.Without effective property rights, these agents are unlikely to invest, so extractive institutions become much more costly once industrialization opportunities arrive on the scene. This explains why the sugar colonies of Barbados, Haiti and Jamaica were amongst the richest places in the world in 1700 but rapidly fell behind when industrial technologies became available. Overall, we therefore conclude that to understand the significant differences in how countries are organized, we need to move away from the pure efficiency view.Moreover, existing series of institutional differences based on the incidental institutions view cannot provide a satisfactory tarring point, and make less sharp empirical predictions, since institutions are simply byproducts of other social actions. Instead, we believe that conflict over the distribution of rents matters, and the rent seeking view provides the best starting place for an analysis of institutional differences across countries.In addition, there may be an important element of the inappropriate institutions view, so that institutions that were introduced at a certain point in time may become less appropriate and more â€Å"harmful† in the future, but may still remain in place. Ill. Institutional Origins The rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views do not immediately generate a theory of comparative institutions. They simply point out that inefficient institutions may be chosen by political elites, and the institutions in place may become more costly for growth over time.As discussed above, by the institutions hypothesis, we mean that differences in the development experiences of countries can be explained by differences in their institutions. To make this hypothesis operational, we need to choose institutions of private property. In other words, we need to develop comparative static on institution building. This is not an easy task. In fact, some of the pioneering theories of institutions, such as North (1981), give us few clues about when we should expect extractive institutions to prevail.Here, we highlight a few potential determinants of what type of institutions politically powerful groups will choose: 1. Economic Interests: A first determinant of whether institutions of private property will emerge is whether they will lead to outcomes that are in interests of the politically powerful agents. For example, institutions that restrict state predation will not be in the interest of a ruler ho wants to appropriate assets in the future.Yet this strategy may be in the interest of a ruler who recognizes that only such guarantees will encourage citizens to undertake substantial investments or lend him money, or will protect his own rents. They will also be in the interest of the major groups that can undertake investment in production activities in the future. Anger and Solidify explanation for why extractive institutions emerged in the Caribbean but not in North America falls within this category. In the Caribbean, the factor endowments made extractive institutions more profitable for the elite.In particular, sugar production, which could exploit economies of scale and profitably employ slave labor, was conducive to a society where a small elite would control both political and economic power. Our argument in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) for why European settlement in the colonies led to institutions of private property is also based on the same reasoning. When a large number of Europeans settled in an area, they preferred institutions enforcing property rights, since these property rights would enable them to undertake investments.Our argument in Guacamole Johnson and Robinson (2001 a) is also related. There, we suggested that high population density and relative prosperity (I. E. , GAP per capita) of the colonized territory encouraged European colonialists to set up extractive institutions. The reasoning is that high po pulation density implied a large labor force that Europeans could force to work for low wages, and both high population density and the relative prosperity of the population provided Europeans with a greater resource base for extraction or taxation. Economic interests† therefore suggest that we should expect extractive institutions to develop when the powerful agents have little to gain from enforcing property sights because they have few investment opportunities themselves and are not linked to other productive agents in the society, and when there are resources, such as crops or abundant labor, that can be effectively exploited by extractive 2.Political Losers: Another important factor is whether institutional development will destabilize the system, making it less likely that elites will remain in power after reforms. An institutional setup encouraging investment and adoption of new technologies may be blocked by elites when they fear that this process of growth and social change will

Carnap Empiricism, Semantics and Ontology Essay

Carnap Empiricism, Semantics and Ontology - Essay Example The concern on the use of abstract entities in semantics comes from the two divergent views held by semanticists. One group of semanticists; especially those inclined to science hold that some expressions refer to entities including both concrete materials and abstract entities. Concrete materials refer to tangible objects such as trees. However, other semanticists oppose such a view and argue that such a perspective goes against the principles of empiricism and takes semantics back to the â€Å"Metaphysical Ontology of the Platonic Kind† (Carnap 242). By saying that such a perspective takes semantics to â€Å"Metaphysical of the Platonic Kind† implies that the approach reduces semantics to imitation where semantics can only refer to observable objects. The paper will therefore explore the best approach that may used in inclusion of abstract entities into semantics and avert a controversy as one brought out by Carnap. It will be achieved by first discussing linguistic f rameworks, numbers as abstract realities and the implication of accepting a new kind of entities. To dispel the controversy presented above, Carnap begin by discussing the linguistic frameworks. Carnap poses a question on whether there exist classes, properties and propositions and goes ahead to assert that such can only be understood by recognizing the distinction between two forms of questions touching on the reality of entities (242). Firstly, Carnap discusses about internal questions that are formulated using new structures of expression. Answers to internal questions may only be achieved by following a logical sequence or empirical methods based on whether the framework is a factual or logical one (242). Logical sequencing refers to finding answers through a series of questions. Empirical method refers to answering question using theories. On the other hand, external questions are in complex forms and require closer evaluation. The reason

Report on the Current Financial Crisis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Report on the Current Financial Crisis - Essay Example They explain that increasing liquidity and increasing nontraditional mortgages which were deceptive and beyond the ability of borrowers to pay was another trigger of financial crisis. Another trigger of financial crisis was the failure in securitization and credit rating which made poorly performing mortgages into bad financial assets. Security markets and stakeholders brought down credit quality in mortgages they securitized even as credit-rating organizations erroneously rated such securities as viable investments (Bancel and Usha 179). The buyers did not carry out due diligence thereby leading to losses. The financial crisis had various impacts on the global economy and the financial markets. The crisis led to reduction in the gross domestic product in most countries. The decline in GDP in some European countries in 2009 ranged between 5 and 8 percent and the decline was highest in countries that had their financial systems highly leveraged and the credit growth was high before th e onset of the crisis. The financial crisis also led to increased rates of inflation in countries especially in countries where the financial sector has not been adequately regulated (Bancel and Usha 183). The rates of unemployment globally went up following the financial crisis. Unemployment increased due to slowed production and sales in most economic sectors thereby constraining the job opportunities. The financial crisis also led to a decline in global trade with the less developed countries suffering from huge deficits of trade. The other effect of the financial crisis was negative impacts on the exchange rates of most currencies (DLA Nordic 1). Most import dependent countries experienced a sharp decline in the value of their currencies as compared to other countries thereby disadvantaging importers. Systematic risk refers to the possibility of the whole financial system collapsing in contrast to the collapse of a single group or component. Systematic risk has spread throughout the globe due to integration of the globe in trade, markets and finance. Technology has enhanced integration thereby making the world a global village (Tchana Tchana 1). The other factor that led to the spread of systematic risks throughout the globe is regulation. Systematic risks cause increased flow of investment in different countries. This is because as the investors seek to diverse their profits and mitigate the negative impacts, they choose to invest in countries that have low risk levels. Additionally, the systematic risks caused by financial crisis causes reduction in investments as the banks lack adequate resources to loan out for capital investment. Consequently, long term investments become slowed. The financial crisis had two effects on credit such as bonds (Bancel and Usha 183). The first effect was a reduction in the number of creditors given that only those creditors able to issue good quality bonds could get to the market thereby increasing their credit ratings. Ad ditionally, average systematic risks of creditors also increased dramatically (Bancel and Usha 183). The Federal Reserve has implemented several short and long term measures to prevent the domino effects (Reddy and Joellen 1). The main aim for Fed’s involvement was to enhance liquidity given that during the period the liquidity was low. Fed offered improved liquidity via open

Vulnerability assessment Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Vulnerability assessment - Research Paper Example Connecticut is named after the Connecticut River which bisects it. Hartford is the capital city of this state. Hartford has a total area of 18.0 square miles in area, 0.7 square miles is covered in water while 17.3 square miles is covered with land. It is the second most populous on the Connecticut River with an estimated population of 124,775 as per the census carried out in 2001, translating to  7,025.5 persons per square mile (Grant, 2006). The city is bordered by the following town: Windsor, South Windsor, Newington, Wethersfield, West Hartford, East Hartford and Bloomfield. Moreover, Hartford boasts of a vast array of resources, such as Wadsworth Athenaeum  Museum of Art  located downtown on its main street. This museum was the first of its kind in the U.S the Stone Field Sculpture  is yet another of many outstanding resources in the city. The Riverfront Recapture and Park, which connects the downtown to the Connecticut River, is known for its various scenic wonders. The neighborhoods in Hartford are both diverse and historic, with the central business district housing a wide range of museums. Hartford city has a well established transportation system, ranging from air, road and railway transportation. The city is home to three significant airports with an estimated average departure of 100. Buses run through the city at regular intervals, Hartfords Union Station serves many residents through railway transportation. The city’s economy is significantly boosted by its various insurance companies. Hartford experiences humid continental climate which increase the likelihood of hurricane occurrence significantly. The city residents and authorities are always on high alert of hurricanes, especially during the hurricane season. The city is protected by over three hundred professional fire fighters of the City of Hartford Fire Department HFD) and over four hundred sworn

How does the film represent the causes of the war and various kinds of Essay

How does the film represent the causes of the war and various kinds of manipulation that keep it going - Essay Example his epoch making book, â€Å"War and Film† mentions in the Introduction section, â€Å"It seems to me that film about war have generally fallen, into one or more categories, and these categories have, in turn, given rise to lineages, taxonomies or modes that can be mapped across different national cinemas† (Chapman, 2008). The effect of war on the creative minds across the globe was so stark that the directors of the twenty-first century could not come out of the trauma and social devastation caused by the outbreak of war. In the year 1996, Yugoslavian director Srdan Dragojecvic made a film bearing the title ‘Pretty Village, Pretty Flame’ that yielded a bizarre but unique and unwelcoming dark humour regarding the events and manipulation that evolved and continued Bosnian war. The film is considered as one of the finest modern classics of Serbian cinema and the plot of the film is motivated by the real life circumstances that occurred during the initial days of Bosnian war. The story of the film centres round a group of Serbian soldiers who got trapped inside the tunnel and were entrapped by a fragment of the Bosnian troop. These soldiers interestingly did not join the war out of any sense of patriotism or extreme nationalism. The screenplay of the film ‘Pretty Village, Pretty Flame’ is based on a magazine article that was published in â€Å"Duga† authored by Vanja Bulic. Through a series of flashbacks, the film represents the early life of every soldier trapped inside the tunnel and endeavours to give an impression about the facts that culminated into a wartime situation and myriad manipulations that took place to continue it. ‘Pretty Village, Pretty Flame’ presents a plot that centres round a long-nurtured friendship of Halil who is a Muslim and Milan a Serbian. Set in the backdrop of 1980s, these two boys spend their boyhood playing and spending a considerable time from their playful days near a tunnel which they found mostly abandoned. Extremely

Cultural Project (Nursing) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Cultural Project (Nursing) - Essay Example 5). It is important for nurses to communicate effectively in a culturally-sensitive way by taking into consideration the respective cultures of their patients. This paper is about taking care of a 65-year Haitian male. In order to provide relevant and culturally-competent medical care, it is necessary to know some of the unique cultural beliefs and practices of the people of Haiti. The country has two official languages which are French (20% of the population) and Haitian Creole (80%) which in turn is a mixture of some Spanish, English, French, African and Arabic. This means Haitian Creole is a pidgin language that is a combination or mixture of the several languages which do not have anything much in common between them; it is also the most widely-spoken Creole language in the world. Haitians prefer direct eye contact when communicating and there is very little personal space between two persons who are talking to each other, complemented with animated voice and expressive hand gestures; personal interaction is often very close. This is why caregivers are appreciated when they touch their patients (Colin & Paperwalla, 1996, p. 140). Most of Haitians are illiterate and need an interpreter for English whom they also tend to mistrust. For many centuries after the island was discovered and colonized by Spain and named as Hispaniola, Roman Catholicism was the sole religion with an estimated 80% of the people who are Catholics. The rest are Protestants (16%) such as Baptists, Methodists, Mormons and Adventists while the remaining 4% believe in voodoo often called as the peoples religion. It is not surprising to hear it said that 96% of the people are Christians but 100% of the Haitians are believers in voodoo. The rich and educated people of Haiti (a very small proportion) view voodoo as the practice of black magic by ignorant people (Ngcheong-lum & Jermyn,

The Concept of Modern State Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

The Concept of Modern State - Essay Example Although the majority of modern states fit Weber’s definition there are also some states with characteristics that do not fit Weber’s description. For example, failure of the state to have a total monopoly over ‘the means of legitimate physical violence over a definite territory’ or absence of any reasons for addressing the legitimacy of such monopoly as rational-legal does not necessarily mean that the state represents another form of political organization. This state will still noticeably differ from its predecessors (feudal and absolutist states) particularly such aspects as the degree of bureaucratization and the reliance on nationalism as a principle of legitimation (Jackson & Rosberg 1982).Formation and Attributes of the Modern StateThe basic attributes of the modern state developed over centuries. Emergence of the modern state in its current form was preceded by a series of gradual political, economic, cultural and social developments which began in Europe around the 15th century. At that time the largest European states such as England, France and Spain ruled by powerful dynasties underwent the process of centralisation of political and economic levers of control. The centralization involved the delineation of political boundaries when the increasingly powerful dynasties gradually eliminated other sources of power that might threaten their controls. Eventually once-almighty Catholic Church as well as the lesser nobility lost much of their power.... or addressing the legitimacy of such monopoly as rational-legal does not necessarily mean that the state represents another form of political organization. This state will still noticeably differ from its predecessors (feudal and absolutist states) particularly such aspects as the degree of bureaucratization and the reliance on nationalism as a principle of legitimation (Jackson & Rosberg 1982). Formation and Attributes of the Modern State The basic attributes of the modern state developed over centuries. Emergence of the modern state in its current form was preceded by a series of gradual political, economic, cultural and social developments which began in Europe around the 15th century. At that time the largest European states such as England, France and Spain ruled by powerful dynasties underwent the process of centralisation of political and economic levers of control. The centralization involved the delineation of political boundaries when the increasingly powerful dynasties gradually eliminated other sources of power that might threaten their controls. Eventually once-almighty Catholic Church as well as the lesser nobility lost much of their power, and the fragmented system of feudal states was replaced by another system characterised by full control over a definite geographical region and unitarism (Llewellen 1983). The political and religious conflicts that occurred within the course of the centralisation process culminated in the Peace of Westphalia (1648). This treaty is considered one of the important milestones in history of the contemporary system of nation-states: the Peace recognised fixed national boundaries and the sovereignty of states within their territories. Eventually, the system of centralized and increasingly bureaucratic rule known as

The Importance of English Language in India Essay Example for Free

The Importance of English Language in India Essay These regional languages differ from each other so much that it is not possible to communicate with people of other regions without a common language. Further, India is trying to maintain a good foreign policy. For all this, there is need of a common language i. e. , English. It is this language which is understood almost all over the region in addition to national language of Hindi, all schools and colleges teach English and mostly have it as a medium of instruction. 4 In today’s world, we have to get knowledge of advanced technologies and all kinds of branches of Science. There is an urgent need of such a common language which can be understood by youth all over India and the language in which all data and information is available. It is English only which can be rightly selected as the language to be studied by all of us from the very primary level. This language is a store house of social and political knowledge. Hence, study of English language is of great importance for a developing country like India. 190 English is a language having 300an international status and can provide the best medium to interact with outside world. In all international seminars or summits, all speeches or course material is in English. If India is to utilize these opportunities, and expand its universal view point, then English is the only language which should be learnt by all of us. 251 Further, a nation can remain intact only when its leaders can understand the people living in different regions and can communicate with them in effective and cordial manner. All leaders cannot understand more than ten to fifteen languages of various regions, however, they can easily understand the common language English. This language is important to inspire unity not only at the national level but at the international level. 317 Today, USA and other countries have made tremendous progress in the field of science and technology. In space technology, we are no match to them. The world is making progress in these fields at a terrific speed. To increase and encourage more research work in Science and Technology, we have to study all these subjects in detail. And for this the importance of English cannot be denied. 383 Every nation must develop and encourage its own language. However, in India we have diversity in languages and it is not possible for many years ahead to have a common language like Hindi. Under such circumstances, we cannot wait for long; otherwise we will be left far behind. As such, till such time one language is developed, we must learn and teach English from the beginning itself. Some subject like Science, Mathematics and technology books must be taught in English only. We now know that we have not been able to prosper like other countries of the world due to keeping ourselves away from English. It is this language which can uplift us not only within our own country but throughout the world. 506

Trauma, sexual trauma & counselling Essay Example for Free

Trauma, sexual trauma counselling Essay †¢ A strain we feel at different times/in different situations †¢ Set of external forces impinging on the person (unemployment, crime, etc) †¢ Set of psychological physiological reactions (racing heart, sweating palms etc) †¢ Can be opportunity for growth The spark that pushes us into action †¢ The extent to which an individual experiences stress depends on the event, together with the individual’s personality ability to cope Crises †¢ A normal reaction to a difficult experience an individual has not faced before †¢ In crises a person feels Confused, overwhelmed unable to cope †¢ Can be an external event, or an internal one caused by development †¢ A turning point An opportunity to learn skills, find resources adapt Trauma Trauma Definitions †¢ â€Å"Situations in which the victim is rendered powerless and great danger is involved† â€Å"Profound deviation from normal life experience† THUS sudden, overwhelming, unanticipated, suggests threat of injury or death. experience fear, helplessness, loss of control extreme powerlessness †¢ Traumatic events extraordinary overwhelm the ordinary human adaptations to life generally involve threats to life or bodily integrity, or a close personal encounter with violence or death. †¢ Most notable characteristic: the feelings of helplessness terror that victims are left to deal with. 4 The Effects of Trauma †¢ Trauma overtaxes the ability to cope †¢ Can damage mental health †¢ Traumatised people feel act as though their nervous systems have been disconnected from the present: Persistent expectation of danger Imprint of the traumatic event that does not fade Numbing response of giving up that becomes generalised. †¢ Psychologically mentally, trauma refers to: wounding of emotions, will to live beliefs about the self the world dignity and sense of self security †¢ Impacts normal ways of thinking feeling, so previous coping mechanisms to handle stress is no longer functional. †¢ Victim feels like a thing, a vulnerable object, subject to the will of a power/force greater than themselves Different Kinds of Traumas †¢ Natural disasters(flood, fire, hurricane, etc) †¢ Man-made catastrophes(war, terrorism, bus disasters, etc) †¢ Unintentional violence(car accidents, culpable homicide) †¢ Intentional violence (forms of victimisation involving threat to life, health limb) †¢ Trauma caused by nature → Disaster Trauma caused by humans → Atrocity Direct vs Indirect Trauma †¢ Indirect trauma affects those exposed to or witnessing the traumatic event symptoms of indirect victims can be identical to those of direct victims family of the victim, those in helping profession, children in domestic violence situations †¢ Can be a victim of direct indirect trauma at the same time witnessing a rape/murder while being held hostage. Single vs Multiple Trauma †¢ Trauma can be a single event, or multiple events (being hijacked more than once) Continuous vs Complex Trauma †¢ Continuous Traumatic stress: Situations in which people are exposed to ongoing trauma Residents of areas with high levels of violent crime Repeated exposure to violent situations Develop a numbing response to additional traumatic events, making it difficult to detect they are traumatised Can seem lethargic or depressed, don’t understand what is going on so don’t seek assistance †¢ Complex Trauma: Situations in which victims experience prolonged, repeated traumatic events Usually there is a relationship between the victim offender Victim is under control of offender, and cannot escape for an extended period First trauma is unexpected, but over time the victim awaits further incidents with enormous psychological tension Eg marital rape or child sexual abuse Conclusion †¢ People respond differently One person’s â€Å"stressful event† can be another person’s â€Å"trauma† All are relative to how individuals react to situations †¢ A hypothetical continuum plots stress, crises trauma, plotting the increase in intensity †¢ In practice it can be difficult to draw distinctions, the client’s definition should always be used 1.2 DEFINING SEXUAL TRAUMA †¢ Sexual trauma is: Trauma of a sexual nature The trauma creates emotional turmoil for the survivor May impair the survivor’s functioning in certain areas (self-esteem, relationships sexuality) Problems may manifest much later, when the survivor develops understanding of the wrongness of the activities they participated in, given that participation may even have been passive. 9 1.2.1 Rape and Child Sexual Abuse †¢ 1 in 4 children in SA are sexually abused at some time †¢ Just as many boys as girls under age 10 are sexually abused †¢ 80% of offenders are well known to, and trusted by, their victims †¢ There has been a significant increase in young offenders (

Nigerian Towards Foreign And Local Clothing Marketing Essay

Nigerian Towards Foreign And Local Clothing Marketing Essay CHAPTER FOUR CASE ANALYSIS 4.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter will give and comprehensively analyse the project report title The Nigerian consumer attitudes towards foreign and locally made clothing. The relevant marketing framework which was discussed in chapter 3, with regards to the secondary data will be used. This includes reports, book, journals and articles written by experts. However, this secondary data will be used to accomplish the research objectives. The secondary sources which was used in chapter 3 consist of what experts has said about consumer behaviour, motivation, attitudes and the different aspects of   their behaviour when purchasing products, in terms of their country of origin , and how it result into buying behaviour.   Furthermore, we are going to look at the current situation of the Nigeria perception toward country of origin products and how it influence country of origin measurement. The second aspect of this chapter will be dealing with the research instrument as questionnaire and primary research which will be to find out, if consumers have preference for foreign made clothes when compare to locally made once. Thus, the methodology will indicate the research objectives of the project and it also going to clarify data collection process, research hypothesis, respondent sampling and the limitation of the study. The recover data will be examine using the statistical software SPSS followed by a thorough discussion of the findings. 4.2 NIGERIA PERCEPTION TOWARDS COUNTRY OF ORIGIN CLOTHING PRODUCTS   Due to recent studies which have been carried out, Nigeria consumer   knowledge as been observed to have changes, consumer now prefer to purchase foreign made clothes rather than   Nigerian locally made once this is as a result of the way country of origin different products have being manufactured. Furthermore, it was also to be clarified whether customer also prefer some certain product due to the states of the economic development of a country. For examples in the Nigeria at present, consumer dont really patronize the locally made clothes only during local events such as marriages and traditional ceremonies. However, the foreign made products are always highly valued by Nigerian consumers due to exotic fashion trends always derived from the products. According to Knight (1999) explain that in his writing that Nigerian consumer judge foreign products with high estimation due to the facts that they are products manufacture in other countries and he also went further to clarify that country of origin stage of industrial increase, the price of manufactured products and perceived the quality are numbers of reason for different consumer choice to choose between local and foreign products. Toyne (1989) also went further to explain in detail that due to certain products in developed countries, foreign consumer trends are preferred to those kind of products due to their level of advancement  Ã‚   of technology and   It has been originate that consumers in less developed countries assess locally made goods as inferior Al-Salacity (1998).   Due to different research that has been carried out relating to country of origin, it is however been analyzed that these studies has a universal nature. According to leonidou et al (1999) also clarified that there have been some related studies different carried out in some specific advance countries to assess country of origin effect on consumer evaluation of goods from diverse countries and computation patterns. It was also clarified by Han (1989) that consumer use country of origin information to evaluate products. 4.3 COUNTRY OF ORIGIN MEASUREMENT This has been analyzed as the measuring of different countries products in other for consumer to know the growth and development of various countries products. Furthermore, in other for country of origin measurement is establish   and   there are three main approaches which will be evaluated and they consist of single cue studies, multi cue studies and conjoint(trade off) analysis . 4.3.1 SINGLE CUE STUDIES According to   Bilkey Nes (1982) stated that most studies carried out are directed towards consumer being able to make analysis of the products based on merely country name. The author also went further in criticising single cue studies by clarifying that since they were bound to result in a significant origin effect on buying behaviour that might or not exist in the world. Thus, it  Ã‚   observes that single cue studies afford no insights as to how the consumers combine country of origin information with other information such as brand name. Majority of the Nigeria consumer use this single cue to evaluate products especially to check different country of origin designer brands before making purchase. From research show by Kaynak et al (2002) recently analyses that respondents evaluate product based on extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Examples are taste, price, service, design, durability and brand name. Majority of consumer have used single cue studies to analyze products evaluation, especially when they have small information about the brands in other to find out more information. 4.3.2 MULTI-CUE STUDIES According to Ahmed et al (2002) established the fact that due to recent multi cue studies, this study now comprise of different intrinsic and extrinsic information cue other than the country of origin   cue in moderating the country of origin effect. Bilkey Nes (1982) also went further to establish the fact that showed either no significant or only minor effects due to country image. Test which was carried out on using multi cue setting   Ã‚  to test multi products indicated that country of origin is very necessary when evaluating product quality respective of the prices Wall et al (1991). 4.3.3 CONJOINT (TRADE OFF) ANALYSES Since 1970 conjoint (trade off) analysis has been established and it can be define as   the representation   to understand the algebra of a concept or, more specifically how the components of a concept interacted to drive a rating such as to purchase intent (Johnson 1974 cited in Howard et al 2005). The initial application of conjoint analysis used off trade and off trade makes sense when viewed against the background. Examples colour, time factors, availability, and speed of reaction and together with additional factor that may be use to add value augmented part of the products.     Additionally, it has been clarified that conjoint analysis take this principles and applies it in situation where there are more than one set of product choices. There will also be wider ranges of choice in prices than just high or low (Lan 2006: p. 187). 4.4 METHODOLOGY 4.4.1RESEARCH HYPOTHESES. H0: Nigeria consumer purchase foreign made clothes due to status perceptions. H1: Nigeria consumers do not purchase foreign made clothes due to status perceptions. H0: For Nigerian consumers, checking the country of origin is dependent on what prompts their purchase of clothes H2: For Nigerian consumers, checking the country of origin is not dependent on what prompts their purchase of clothes 4.4.2 RESEARCH APPROACHES The research use for this project is called deductive research; the reason for this was that the research project encompasses consumer behaviour attitudes and hypotheses which will be experimented to discover if both results will be both identical or not. The deductive research helps the researcher to experiment the hypotheses in different stages in other to get the actual result of the hypotheses. Examples the Nigerian preference for foreign clothes as well as consumer behaviour. According to Len (2007) justify that deductive begin with theory from which we may derive hypotheses. Which are than tested through observation. Furthermore, it was also clarify that the research is descriptive as it establish the fundamental relationship between variables (mark et al 2000). 4.4.3 RESPONDENT SAMPLING A sample can be defined as a representative of the population which is carefully chosen to represent the whole population (Fink1995). The method of sample use for this survey was judgmental sampling which Mcdaniel (2004) defined as a form of convenient sampling in which the population elements are selected based on the judgment of the researcher. This was because it was convenient for the researcher to find respondents based on the judgment of where to find a large size of Nigerian male user of foreign and locally made clothing of various ages segment and who were willing to fill the questionnaire. The respondents sample size for this project was 150 and the target group was between the ages of 18-51 years Nigerian males this is because when a large sample size increases, each unit of information is obtained at greater cost (Mcdaniel2004). There are two types of sampling techniques that can be utilize in sampling methods and they includes, probability sampling and non- probability sampling. Probability sampling can be analysis as a chance or probability of each case being selected from the population is known and is usually equal for all cases. Non-probability samples are other than quota sampling is more frequently used for the case study research (Mark et al 2000:p. 152). 4. 5 DATA COLLECTION METHOD 4.5.1 PRIMARY DATA PROCESS The primary data use for this research work was questionnaires this was to enable the researcher gain a standardized insight of country of origin preference, consumer attitude and different question were develop in other to understand consumer preference. Furthermore, this questionnaire comprises of 25question in three different areas. The first section encompasses demographical data which give an insight of respondents background, the second aspect was dealing with purchase preferences between foreign and locally made clothes and the third part was dealing with the consumer attitude towards various country of origin. Thus, the questionnaire are rated in different format the rating scale question are involves were by consumer are able to rate their different choice of brand preference, ranking was also used in the questionnaire to find out their order of important when buying clothes and finally multiple question was also giving with only one box to tick. The total numbers of questionnaire administered were   150 and its was distributed to only   Nigeria males in united kingdom to enable the researcher understand their preference for foreign and locally made clothes and it has been analysis that united kingdom has a large population of males that was while this research is specifying only Nigerian males 4.5.2 DISTRIBUTION PROCESS As stated above the questionnaire were 150 and they are administer in different location of United Kingdom, some of this questionnaire where giving to respondent in London a populate place called Peckham which most Nigerian population reside. Furthermore some of the questionnaires were distributed  Ã‚   to Nigerian male in Birmingham University; some were also distributed to Nigerians in Leicester and redeemed Christian church of God. Finally some of the questionnaires were also distributed through email to the Nigeria male consumer in United Kingdom. Furthermore, questionnaire were distributed to 7 respondents for pilot testing but majority of the respondents had problems in filling out the questionnaire because there were some errors   , examples includes question 6 were not stated how much they earn per annum   and also question 9 did not   give respondents the opportunity to choose their preference. Furthermore, the section two there were no rating scale question to enable respondents rate their order of preference and grammatical errors was also found. After taking the piloted questionnaire from respondent more question were integrated   Ã‚  to explore different country of origin and some were removed.   4.5.3 SECONDARY DATA Secondary data was unitizes in this project this was to enable the researcher gain an understanding about what the project is about and also to construct a strong basis which was used for the research work. According to Lewis   et al (2007) explain secondary data as resources which are easily accessible by researcher in other to understand what the topic and also obtain vital information that will be used during the course of their research work. Examples of this secondary data includes marketing report, database, scholars reviewed, articles and consumer behaviour text books were used to get an insight about consumer attitudes and different country of origin. McGivern(2006) also specified that secondary data sources analyses the formulation   of the hypotheses   and the interpretation of primary data. 4.5.4 SAMPLING STRATEGY The sampling strategy used for this research work is non-probability the reason was that it provide a range of alternative techniques based on your subjective judgement. Thus, according  Ã‚   Mark et al (2000) clarified that it provide sensible alternative to select cases to answer research questions and address the question. In pilot survey, non- probability samples may be the most practical, although it will not allow the extent of the problem to be determined. 4.5.5 RESEARCH LIMITATIONS The main limitation of this research where gathering data from only Nigeria male it was not easy due to the fact that majority of the student   were on vacation and some of them are   busy with their jobs. Another limitation of this study was the issues of travelling to London and Birmingham on different occasion to distribute the questionnaires on getting there, some of the respondents were so busy that they could not fill the questionnaires. It was also observed that some of the Nigerian respondents at London felt reluctant in filling the questionnaires due to the reason being that there were not educated. Furthermore, most of the questionnaires distributed online were not filled out by the target respondents and this gave limited information gathering. Nevertheless, information gathered seems to be biased, because some of the questions were not structured well to get good answers. Conclusively, Information gathered may be prone to inaccuracy, due to lack of access to some of the respondents at the Redeemed Christian church of God. REFERENCE Al-Sulaiti, K. I. and Baker, M. J. (1998) Country of Origin Effects: A Literature Review: Marketing Intelligence & Planning 16. Bilkey, W. and Nes, E. (1982) Country of Origin Effects on Product Evaluations: Journal of International Business Studies 13. Fink, A. (1995) The Survey Handbook, 1st Edition: California, Saga Publication Inc. Howard .R. Moskowitz, Matthias Sicher, Sebastiano Porretta (2005) Concept Research In Food Product Design and Development: First Edition, United States: Wiley, John Sons Han, C. Min (1989), Country Image: Halo or Summary Construct? Journal of Marketing Research 29-222. Knight, G. A. (1999) Consumer Preferences Foreign and Domestic Products, Journal of Marketing Vol 16,(2)151-162 Kaynak, E. and Kara, A. (2002) Consumer Perceptions of Foreign Products: An Analysis of Product-Country Images and Ethnocentrism, European Journal of Marketing 36. Lewis .P., Thornhill. A.   and Saunders .M. (2009) Research Methods for Business Student, Fourth Edition: Harlow, Financial Time Prentice Hall.   Lan Ruskin-Brown(2006) Mastering Marketing: A Comprehensive Introduction to the Skill of   Developing and Defending your Companys Revenue, Second Edition: Thorogood, United States. Len Sandler (2007) Becoming an Extraordinary Manager: The Five Essential for Success, First Edition, United States. Mcdaniel .C. Roger.G.(2004) Marketing Research Essentials, Fourth Edition: United Stated, John Wiley and Sons,Inc. Mcgivern, Y. (2006) The Practice of Market and Social Research: An Introduction. 2nd edn. Harlow: Prentice Hall Mark .S., Philip. L. and Adrian Thornhill(2000) Research Methods For Business Students, Second Edition: United Kingdom, Pearson Education Limited. Toyne, B. and Walters, P. G. P. (1989) Global Marketing Management: A Strategic Perspective. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

commercial art :: essays papers

commercial art The contemporary commercial art and design of today has no doubt been created through the heavy influences of 20th century art. Most corporations who advertise on a large scale look back to the most influential art of the past century when creating their ads. It's almost impossible to walk the city streets without being bombarded by billboards with crafty designs and catchy phrases. With a little research though, it's fairly easy to find that the basis of this commercial art can be found in the art of the last one hundred years. Cartoons come first to mind when thinking about the different ways 20th century art have impacted modern day art and design. Long before I saw the original "American Gothic" by Grant Wood, I laughed at a portrait of Bugs Bunny and Daffy Duck standing together in front of a farm house with pitch fork in hand. Most cartoons seem to have an underlying humor meant to be understood by even the most articulate and intellectual adult, while at the same time being simplistic enough to entertain a small child. Cartoonists successfully accomplish this by being well read and educated in myth, history and art. Advertising agencies must be just as well educated in order to create influential advertisements that will impact consumers. "De Stijl" created by Peit Mondrian has without a doubt been one of the most popular designs incorporated into today's commercial art. On almost every bottled hair care product from Loreal is a composed set of lines complete with red, yellow and blue squares, expressing striking similarities to "De Stijl." Tommy Hilfiger uses clean lines and the three primary colors in all of his advertisements as well as on his signature label which also mimic the style of Peit Mondrian. While visiting a museum and studying a Mondrian, most of the general public repeatedly remarks to how his paintings look as if "anyone could do them." However, using the same artistic logic and redesigning his work on a bottle of hairspray or a t-shirt, the public becomes awe-stricken and then rushes out in a mad fury to purchase this stylish product which is actually based on the same s tyle of art which if hung in a museum looks to them like something "anyone could make." Advertisers look also to the photography of the past century when designing ads for magazines.

International Free Trade and World Peace Essay -- Politics Political S

International Free Trade and World Peace When analyzing trade’s effect on state behavior, it is not the mere existence of trade between countries that should be central, rather, the nature of trade that is crucial. This distinction will be explored by studying the arguments of key economic and political thinkers of both the 18th and 20th centuries. The general nature of trade, the role of national government regarding trade and security, trade's capacity to befriend belligerent nations, and finally, the influence of international economic institutions will be explored. In an attempt to present a fairly broad range of sources, this study features the ideas of four influential authors from two time periods and continents: from the 18th Century, Adam Smith and Alexander Hamilton, and from the 20th Century, John Maynard Keynes and Secretary of State Cordell Hull. My thesis is that the four authors examined actually agreed with one another on the connection between free trade and peace, despite the discordant resonance of their arguments. Due to the nature of trade in Hamilton and Smith's time, their assertions that trade had ambiguous, if not adverse effects on state behavior is equivalent to Hull's statement that trade under the auspices of international organizations ensured peace. Almost all trade, up until the foundation of post-W.W.II international economic bodies, was practiced in an opaque, unfair, and mercantilist manner. Both Keynes and Hull, who argue that trade is pacific, lived in a rapidly liberalizing environment where international organizations were gaining legitimacy and influence. Thus, the conclusion of all four authors can be modified to state that trade is pacific only when it is conducted in an open, fre... ...The Memoirs of Cordell Hull. New York: Macmillan. Keynes, John Maynard. 1919. The Economic Consequences of the Peace. London: Macmillan. ________. 1922. A Revision of the Treaty. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. ______. In: Moggridge, Donald. ed. 1980. The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes: Activities 1941-1946. London: Macmillan. Kramnick, Isaac. ed. 1987. The Federalist Papers. London: Penguin Books. [1788] Moggridge, Donald. ed. 1980. The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes: Activities 1941-1946. London: Macmillan. Raphael, D.D. 1985. Adam Smith. London: Oxford University Press. Smith, Adam. 1766. "Lectures on Jurisprudence." Cited in: An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. ________. 1981. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund. [1776]

Baby Bonus Scheme In Singapore Health And Social Care Essay

Many developed states face the challenge of quickly diminishing birthrate rates. One illustration of such is Singapore. Assorted attacks have been taken to seek to change by reversal this tendency, but with limited success. A major policy implemented in 2001 was baby bonus strategy. The chief end of this survey is to analyse the impact of babe fillip towards TFR and the position of the future coevals with respects to pamper bonus strategy. Primary and secondary informations were used to analyse the impact of the babe fillip. Secondary information was taken from the authorities records. In this survey, a study was conducted to place the position of immature coevals towards baby fillip. The sample was chosen by convenient sampling. Our findings show that from 2001 to 2010 babe fillip appeared to be less effectual because the TFR is still diminishing. However, it did assist in decelerating down the lessening. From the study consequence, we expect that baby fillip policy is improbable to hold a important impact on impacting the TFR in the hereafter. Based on our research, one possible suggestion to rectify the job of low TFR could be the authorities concentrating more on taking attention of the lodging and wellness facets of its people.1. IntroductionFor the last few old ages, aging population has been one of the chief concerns faced by several developed states. British Columbia is one of the states that faced an aging population. Much research was conducted in this state to work out the job. It was revealed that the chief cause of this state of affairs is the worsening of birthrate rate over decennaries [ 1 ] . Entire Fertility Rate ( TFR ) is defined as the figure of kids an mean adult female would hold presuming that she lives her full generative life-time [ 2 ] . Considered as a developed state, Singapore has besides faced a serious job of worsening TFR. With TFR of 1.16 in 2010 [ 3 ] , Singapore is ranked hundred-and-seventieth [ 4 ] in the universe and arguably one of the lowest TFR in the universe. Singapore authorities has implemented some policies to promote Singaporeans to hold more kids, and hence increase the TFR. The latest and most comprehensive policy to this terminal is the babe fillip strategy. However, the consequence of babe fillip is problematic. A group of research workers from Melbourne Institution of Applied Economics and Social Research investigated the consequence of babe fillip towards entire birthrate rate. Based on their theoretical account, Baby Bonus exerted a little positive consequence on birthrate purpose which leaded to a positive impact on birthrate rate. The consequence seemed to be stronger for 2nd and perchance higher-order numbered kids. In add-on the consequence showed that fillip consequence is lasting [ 5 ] . However this survey could non find that the consequence would be similar in local context, Singapore. Since there is no formal research particular on look intoing TFR and pamper fillip strategy, our research will concentrate chiefly on look intoing the impacts of babe fillip towards TFR and position of our future coevals with respects to this strategy. It will develop solutions in the signifier of suggestions that will function to better the effectivity of this policy. The expected consequence for our analysis is that babe fillip is less effectual in increasing Singapore ‘s TFR. Other factors such as the psychological-thinking and societal factors which may impact TFR will non be included in our survey. To do our research clearer and all-rounded, we introduce a subdivision under Singapore demographic form which describes about the worsening tendency of TFR from 1990 to 2000 and reappraisal of the factors impacting the TFR. The treatment of this paper will be separated into two chief parts, which is the method subdivision and consequence and treatment subdivision. The first portion will concentrate on explicating our study method and stuffs that we obtained from authorities records. Under the consequence subdivision, we will discourse our informations analysis utilizing, primary and secondary informations. The treatment focuses on effectivity of baby fillip policy in Singapore. Finally in the decision subdivision we will besides specify the background for future research to deduce better methods to cover with birthrate.1.1 Singapore Demographic PatternThe new way of policy since the 1990 ‘s is in stressing the importance of get downing a household and holding multiple kids to a successful and all-around life. New subsidy policies was implemented such as babe fillip strategy that was implemented in 2001. The effectivity of these new subsidy policies seemed less effectual. The TFR has continued to steadily worsen throughout the late ninetiess and early 2000s, despite these new policies. It has fallen by 0.43 from 1990 – 2000. This has rise concerns to the authorities as it might non be able to replace the current work force which leads to the alteration of subsidy policies in 2004. It still unclear that the new sweetenings implemented in 2004 will hold positive effects on TFR in future, the initial marks are non peculiarly positive.1.1A. Education derived function and alterations in political orientationEducation gives one a strong head of their ain in prosecuting their dreams that can include a stable and esteemed calling and buying epicurean goods. In other words, a twenty-four hours of 24 hours will be used to prosecute their dreams, go forthing m inimum clip for household planning and childbirth. Puting high value on work by both females and males are increasing the chance cost of holding kids. All these can explicate the falling tendency in TFR as noticed from above. 1.1B. Fiscal grounds childcare.JPG The mean net incomes of an employee are about S $ 4000 per month in 2010 [ 6 ] . Even as this figure has about doubled itself since a decennary ago, the lifting costs of life and holding babes are discouraging newly-weds from childbearing. If we were to take merely 2 most basic disbursals viz. child caring fees and hospitalization measures that are incurred during and instantly after gestating, we can cognize that fiscal load is an disposed account for the worsening TFR in Singapore. As shown, child care services are priced at S $ 776 and S $ 572 for mean full twenty-four hours and half twenty-four hours fees severally in 2010. From administrative informations, hospitalization fee for female parents after bringing in an mean ward of B2 fluctuates between S $ 1000 and S $ 1200 [ 7 ] . The entire charge for these 2 constituents of expected disbursals can amount to S $ 2000, which is already half of the wage of an mean worker in Singapore.A Such high degree of disbursement on one kid ca n so deter a important figure of newly-weds in holding kids, and our analysis is non even taking into history the changeless economy of financess for advanced acquisition and schooling in Singapore every bit good as day-to-day disbursals on nutrient and vesture for the kid. Clearly, childbearing is non an easy undertaking as it takes old ages of support from the point of gestating till the point of independency. Fiscal restraint can therefore be another ground and possibly one of the more of import grounds as to why there is falling TFR observed in Singapore.2. MethodThe mark of our study was NTU undergraduates aged from 19 to 26 and selected by convenience trying method. We restrict our sample on lone Singaporeans and Singaporean PRs because babe fillip strategy is more eligible to Singaporeans. The targeted size was 100 participants, 50 males and 50 females. The intent of carry oning the study is to happen out the position of our future coevals with respects to this strategy and t o happen the estimated entire birthrate rate in the hereafter. A pilot study was done preliminarily on the 50 respondents with our drafted sample study. We received feedback that our inquiries were insistent and ill-defined. Leading inquiries were besides heedlessly included. Some of the open-ended inquiries were left space, demoing that the inquiries discouraged participants to reply wholly. Consequences shown from this pilot study were inconsistent and hard to analyze accurately. To better on our research work, we conducted another study with freshly phrased inquiries which is simpler and more straightforward. At the start, we had inquiries aiming the figure of kids our respondents are be aftering to hold. The consequences here gave us a unsmooth thought of the TFR Singapore was to hold with its current subsidy policies in topographic point. Subsequently, we required respondents to rank the factors that are considered when they decide on the figure of kids they were to hold. The most highly-ranked factors can help Singapore in planing or revising constabularies for greater impact on Singapore ‘s TFR. Next, we had inquiries taking at proving the participants whether babe fillip had a say in their household planning. This was to find the comparative importance of babe fillip strategy. Relatively high importance placed by Singaporeans will let greater infinite for control over the population size. We besides suggested a superior system for Singapore ‘s authorities inducement strategy to happen out about the policy that authorities should concentrate on. Last, we welcomed suggestio ns from respondents to give them an avenue for showcasing their point of views sing the subsidy policies in inquiry.3. Result and DiscussionThe Baby Bonus Scheme is a two-tiered strategy, comprising of a direct hard currency gift from the authorities and a co-saving agreement in which the authorities lucifers dollar for dollar the sum parents put into a Child Development Account ( CDA ) , capable to a maximal sum. ( NEED CITATION )babe bonusTable 3.1 It is observed that holding a 2nd or 3rd kid can convey important pecuniary benefits for the parents from 2001. The Baby Bonus Scheme did assist to settle the concerns of twosomes who find the fiscal load of raising a kid excessively heavy to bear. Monetary wagess given out to parents can be used to subsidise the kid ‘s early old ages of instruction and medical demands. Figure 3.2 From figure above, we noticed that between 1997 and 1998, TFR dropped significantly by 0.15, compared to a twelvemonth before where the lessening was 0.06 from 1996-1997. A possible account is that Asiatic fiscal crisis had taken topographic point during the twelvemonth 1998 and this might back up the observation that fiscal factors are impacting the determination of twosomes to hold kids. The authorities may hold therefore decided to undertake the low TFR job from the fiscal facet by implementing of babe fillip in 2001. In this subdivision, the effectivity of baby fillip policy will be analysed from 2 pieces of informations, viz. primary and secondary informations.3A. Secondary informationsFigure 3.2 shows that after execution of the babe fillip policy, the TFR from 2001-2004 dropped by 0.15. In the span of 4 old ages ( 1997-2000 ) we observed that TFR had dropped by 0.20. Comparing these two Numberss, TFR still falls, but it is falling at a diminishing rate, this suggests that babe fillip is so effectual to a certain extent. There is a alteration of policy in 2004 because the declared end of returning birthrate to replacing has non been achieved. Under the new enhanced strategy ( refer to postpone 3.1 ) , the hard currency gift that parents receive from the authorities was increased for the first through 4th born kid, as was the cap of authorities part to the CDA. The first born kid nevertheless received no benefits under the co-saving strategy. Under the 2004 strategy hard currency gifts were disbursed Oklahoman, within the first 18 months, alternatively of the original 6 old ages when it was implemented in 2001. From 2004-2008, there was an overall addition of TFR by 0.02, there is a definite possibility that the alteration of babe fillip strategy was effectual. Further sweetening of the babe fillip was done in 2008. However looking at the TFR tendency, it shows a autumn of TFR by 0.06 from 2008-2009. Effectiveness of babe fillip is so problematic. However, in 2008, post-mortgage subprime crisis took topographic point in United States of America might hold affected the determination of people to give birth as there was rampant retrenchment. There is besides the issue of a possible important clip slowdown before the full consequence of the policy is revealed in alterations in birthrate rates of the population. In general, the execution of babe fillip is good in assisting to decelerate down the lessening in TFR but it was non able to change by reversal the tendency. Possibly pecuniary inducements entirely can non carry persons to alter their birthrate behavior.3B. Primary informationsThe consequences attained from our study was brooding of the younger coevals which would be more appropriate since the younger coevals would be more affected by the authorities policies and babe fillip strategy in clip to come. Entire Fertility Rate Figure 3.3 In figure 3.3 the highest figure of kids stated in our study is 5. This figure shows that 56 % our participants program to hold 2 kids, 20 % of them choose 3 kids. The per centum of people non be aftering to hold any kids is 10 % . This shows that the bulk of the respondents are willing to hold kids. TFR Gender Female Male Both female and male Average or average 1.76 2.3 2.03 Discrepancy 0.75755 0.98979 0.93848 Standard Error ( Deviation ) 0.87037 0.99488 0.96875 Table 3.4 To specify the entire birthrate rate more accurately, we will look into the different expected TFR for both genders. Our findings show that if male was the determination shaper, the TFR will be 2.3 and if it was female, the expected TFR is 1.76. We besides compute the discrepancy to see how much these values deviate from the mean. We noticed that the discrepancy was considered as broad, with 0.757551 for female and 0.98980 for male. We will use the interval appraisal method to acquire an accurate scope for the expected entire birthrate rate. We used 95 % assurance degree as our base. 95 % assurance interval means that 95 % in chance that the true value of this TFR is inside this estimated interval. We defined the interval as [ X-tn-1 ( I ± /2 ) * I?/a?sn, X+ tn-1 ( I ± /2 ) * I?/a?sn ] where N is the sample size, X represents the norm, I? is defined as standard mistake, and value of tn-1 ( I ± /2 ) is taken from the tabular array of t distribution. 1-I ± is set to be 0.95 ( assurance interval ) , therefore when n=50, t49 ( I ± /2 ) = 2.01 and when n=100, t99 ( I ± /2 ) = 1.984 for given I ± . The estimated interval of TFR when male was the determination shaper is 2.01720 a†°Ã‚ ¤ TFR a†°Ã‚ ¤ 2.58280 While the estimated interval of TFR when female was the determination shaper is 1.51259 a†°Ã‚ ¤ TFR a†°Ã‚ ¤ 2.00741 As the optimum TFR of the authorities is [ 8 ] , this can be seen that if female was the determination shaper, the TFR is below 2. However, in doing determination of holding kids, it is non up to one person merely but a joint determination by both male and female. Therefore, it will be more appropriate if we consider the norm TFR as our expected TFR in the hereafter. The expected TFR in the hereafter is between 1.83780 and 2.22220 utilizing the interval appraisal method. Ranking of factors Figure 3.5 The above information shows the figure of participants that gives the Rank â€Å" 1 † for the factor that they consider as the most of import. Consequences revealed that 58 out of 100 respondents chose fiscal factors, followed by calling with 19 out of 100 participants. This consequence supports our outlook that fiscal is the most influential factor with respects to be aftering for kids, therefore our research will be valuable in helping to better the entire birthrate rate. Baby bonus strategy Figure 3.6 Figure 3.7 Figure 3.6 shows that 90 % of the respondents know the babe fillip strategy and looking at figure 3.7, 50 % of their determination to hold kids is affected by the babe fillip strategy. This suggests that the people are cognizant of the babe fillip strategy. 50 % of the participant ‘s determination is affected by the babe fillip strategy. At first glimpse, this might propose that babe fillip is less effectual. Measuring it more carefully, without the strategy, the TFR that we calculated above has high likeliness that it is traveling to be lower. This is because half of the participants might make up one's mind to take down their figure of kids planned if babe fillip strategy has non been implemented. Hence, the effectivity of babe fillip could be subjective. Figure 4.8 I prefer non to hold any kids Childbearing and/or child-raising is are clip devouring I want to concentrate on my calling The subsidy is deficient Other personal grounds For the participants that find baby fillip is non impacting their determination, the bulk chose â€Å" vitamin D † as the ground for it. 24 out of 50 people chose the babe fillip subsidy is deficient. This shows that they are non satisfied with the current strategy. It is likely that if betterment were to be done to the babe fillip strategy, there is a high possibility that this strategy will be more important to increase the TFR. This is besides supported by the observation that babe fillip alteration in 2004 was effectual, as TFR increased by 0.02. Figure 3.9 The above information shows the figure of participants that gives the Rank â€Å" 1 ‘ for the authorities subsidy policy that they consider as the most of import. We can detect from the tabular array that there is important figure of participants that prioritise health care, instruction and lodging loan with 27 % , 26 % and 25 % giving it the value â€Å" 1 † . Merely, 9 % of the participants choose baby fillip policy as most of import, this shows that authorities should non concentrate their alteration of policies merely on babe fillip. The information suggested that there is an emerging tendency that people are more disquieted about their kid wellness attention, instruction and lodging affairs. Hence it is advisable that the authorities expression into this three subsidy policies in greater deepness to increase the entire birthrate of Singapore. Figure 3.10 Figure 3.11 If we separate our treatment into different genders, the impact of babe fillip strategy is greater on the males. Refered to calculate 3.10 and 3.11, 60 % of the males determination are affected by the strategy, while for the female merely 40 % is affected. Baby bonus strategy plays a larger function in act uponing the work forces ‘s determination. Uniting the findings, the expected TFR computed for female is lower than the optimum TFR. From the estimated interval calculated above, the TFR for female is below the optimum figure of 2, so this means we should aim the female group and seek to increase the figure of kids they would be after to hold to increase the TFR. As shown from the figure 3.5 above, the females considered fiscal factor as their precedence with 32 out of 50 female participants ranking it as figure 1. With this, focal point still should be given to fiscal factors, such as increasing subsidy or supplying pecuniary benefits to increase the willingness of adult females to hold more kids. However, 40 % of the female ‘s determination is affected by the babe fillip. We can deduce from this that, increasing the subsidy for babe fillip might be less effectual. As shown from the figure 3.9, greater focal point should be placed on other subsidy benefits such as health care subsidy, instruction and lodging loan.4. DecisionThis undertaking studied the impact of Singapore ‘s baby fillip policy on its entire birthrate rate. Based on our research findings, we conclude that this policy is non really effectual. From 2001 when it was foremost implemented to 2010, the TFR in Singapore has been worsening. However, credits have to be given to this policy as the worsening tendency is noted to be so at a diminishing rate. It is of import to observe that there are many other factors doing low TFR in Singapore. Some of it could be psychological thought, alterations in political orientation and instruction derived functions. One possible restriction of our undertaking could be found in our study sample. Due to the fact that the study is conducted within school compounds, we treated all Singaporean respondents as a homogeneous group of highly-educated forces. This is non representative for the whole of Singapore population. This determination is of considerable importance since it suggests that though the fiscal facet is so of import in one ‘s determination in household planning, baby fillip policy is less effectual in undertaking the job of falling TFR. We would urge future research to be conducted on a more heterogenous study sample so that Singaporeans of all backgrounds can be reached.